During the late 19th century, soda waters became popular beverages throughout the USA. Soda fountains prepared dozens or hundreds of flavored beverages, many of which carried health claims, and were generally confined to local markets Pendergrast Sodas presented a contrasting option to coffee, although coffee retained its predominance as a morning drink and for coffee breaks. Both beverages were inexpensive and available to all social classes. In the s, coffee consumption began a gradual decline.
At this time, the major brand companies Folgers, Maxwell House, Hills Brothers and a few regional companies dominated coffee sales. In this context, companies began substituting arabica coffees with cheaper, bitter robusta coffee, at the cost of flavor and aroma Roseberry They advertised the idea of quality, while gradually replacing high-quality beans with cheaper beans, believing that consumers would not notice the difference.
As one scholar notes, they had begun a race to sell the cheapest coffee possible, while maintaining prices T. After all, they had very little competition. They left the door open for the independent roasters who had not been swallowed up and who, in the s, started experimenting with quality beans, creating their own blends and selling fresh-roasted coffees. One of these small roasters opened in at Pike Place Market in Seattle under the name of Starbucks. By that time, soft drinks had become the dominant beverage in the USA, and Coca-Cola had become a global symbol of American culture.
Coca-Cola versus Coffee Soft drinks have been competing with coffee as sources of caffeine for over a century. In some ways soft drinks and coffee seem to be very different drinks. Soft drinks are sweet, bubbly, and best when served cold. Although Coca-Cola and many other sodas began as putatively healthful combinations of herbal and other natural extracts, most soft drinks today are artificially flavored.
Coffee remains a natural product. It can be served hot or cold would anyone drink Coca- Cola as a steaming hot beverage? By contrast, soft drinks are usually consumed without additives. Coca-Cola does not stand for much adulteration, aside from Coke floats and a few flavored versions e. But coffee, Coca-Cola, and other caffeinated beverages have played off of the effects of caffeine as invigorating and uplifting.
Over the course of the 20th century, coffee and soft drinks especially Coca-Cola have fought to gain or maintain popularity with American consumers. Soft drinks as well as coffee transformed as consumer tastes evolved and markets became more global. Consumers have lessened reliance on major coffee brands in a widely and wildly diversified market. While Coca-Cola has diversified by adding other beverages to its product line, it has defended vigorously the integrity of its name and reputation, and prosecuted any attempt to infringe upon it.
Although Starbucks defends its name, it is known for coffee shops more than as a brand of coffee. When journalist Anderson Cooper tasted it on a national TV broadcast, he spat it out. YouTube has clips of people praising or vilifying the beverage. Coca-Cola announced that it would discontinue the product in August Stanford Evidently, coffee-flavored Coke could not replace the real thing.
It has been called the most recognizable American product in the world, reaching more countries than the United Nations Pendergrast Coca-Cola originated in the USA, and therefore could represent itself as something uniquely and especially American, which is something that coffee cannot claim.
Invented by John Pemberton in , and acquired by Asa Candler through dubious means, Coca-Cola spread through aggressive and clever advertising. Early on, Coca-Cola presented itself as eminently American and democratic in its availability to all classes. The soldiers also carried instant coffee. This strategic intertwining of corporate and national interests meant that the US government tacitly supported Coca-Cola's global expansion, and gave Coca-Cola a near monopoly with US soldiers.
Starbucks has excited similar sentiments. Each company has been vilified locally as a global interloper and globally as a threat to local traditions and cultural coherence. Anthropological studies of Coca-Cola and other products have found that despite the risks that Coca-Cola poses for local communities, it can also affirm culture and community, or be used in novel ways Foster For example, Coca-Cola became linked to the American Civil Rights Movement in the minds of young blacks when they were denied the right to buy a Coke at soda fountains.
The experience represented a clear violation of their rights, because they had been refused something that belonged to every American Weiner As this example illustrates, symbolic and practical dimensions of commodities can take on multiple meanings and interpretations as individuals and groups incorporate them into their lives.
The American beverage market has grown considerably, because Americans are drinking more beverages now than in the past. Compared to most other countries, Americans consume more beverages and a greater variety Fletcher ; Mintel Oxygen In the minds of consumers, the choices of coffee, Coke, or other beverages may not mean sacrificing one for another, but a question of what to drink when. Consumers have also demonstrated a power to influence product choices and sway the behavior of global corporations. Coca-Cola appears to be responding to critics of its high profits and corporate policies by presenting itself as a good corporate citizen.
Similarly, consumer interests in specialty coffee, as well as concerns for social justice and environmental sustainability, have compelled TNCs, including Kraft holder of Maxwell House , to adopt corporate responsibility stances that include purchases of some fair trade coffee. The slipping prestige that coffee suffered between and the s appears to have reversed. Today coffee drinkers can choose fair trade, organic, and shade-grown coffees because they appreciate high- quality coffee. Choosing fair trade or other specialty coffees can symbolize resistance to the dominant society.
Within punk culture, the choice of fair trade and organic coffee symbolized opposition to capitalism, and rejection of a society characterized by profound social inequities D. In the past 20 years, fair trade and specialty coffees have become the fastest-growing segment of the global coffee market see Chapters 17 and The success of these coffees in many niche markets reflects associations with social values and meanings held dear by people across a range of social groups and political perspectives.
Moreover, the diversification in coffee markets allows better-off coffee drinkers to assert class differences and privileged taste by purchasing higher-priced, gourmet coffees Fridell —as Bourdieu would have anticipated. The growth of specialty coffees is also related to the growth of global networks and connections that create relationships among people who probably will never meet each other. Do you drink coffee?
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Why or why not? Do you drink caffeinated beverages other than coffee? In addition to the slogans mentioned in this chapter, what other famous slogans are related to drinking certain beverages or eating certain foods? What makes these slogans memorable? Has a slogan or an advertisement ever convinced you to try a new drink or food? What does Coca-Cola mean to you? What does coffee mean to you?
Why is Coca-Cola a controversial product around the world? In addition to a selection of brewed coffees and espresso, Nick offers a variety of fresh-roasted coffee beans from around the world. Each coffee has a special aroma and set of flavors that result from the combination of soils, microclimate, and processing treatment in the region of origin. I want to buy a pound of coffee to prepare at home for the coming week, but which should I select? Do I want to enjoy the rich, earthy flavors of dark-roasted Sumatran coffee?
Or the fruity, complex flavors of coffee from Ethiopia, where each region imparts a distinctive flavor profile? Then I serve myself a cup of dark-roasted java from the thermoses of brewed coffees. It is easy to accept without question the amazing selection of coffees from all over the world available to us in a small North American city Figure 4. A fundamental conundrum of food consumption is that food is utterly necessary to survival, yet it is taken for granted Mintz In the USA, it is easy to be oblivious to the hows and whats of our food.
In part, our lives have become so full and complex that we do not feel there is time or need to think of food beyond its packaging and how efficiently we can prepare it. We also have been encouraged to ignore the background and origins of food by business conglomerates that process and distribute our food Belasco When people do not know or care about food origins, businesses can acquire and transform food with little attention to health concerns, human rights, or environmental sustainability.
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Coffee is no different. The processes by which coffee reaches our lips can remain invisible; we do not have to think about the manufacture of agrochemicals, the backbreaking labor of weeding the plants and picking the cherries coffee fruit for wages measured in pennies, the gallons of water needed to clean the beans, or the tanks of gasoline used to transport them to the next stage in their global voyage. We know that global market arrangements make it possible, but how does it work, and what happens on the way?
By asking these questions, we further consider how global connections influence coffee production. We start by considering the technological and natural resources needed to produce coffee and bring it to our tables. The discussion then looks at some of the social, symbolic, and economic connections and relationships associated with coffee Parts Three and Four provide more details on these aspects in relation to producing and processing coffee and political-economic arenas, respectively.
While certain linkages tie the world together, coffee is also a commodity separated from its origins, and linked to disjunctures and struggles. All of these elements contribute to understanding the social, economic, and environmental dimensions of coffee production and consumption. Linkages to Global Industrial Production of Chemical Inputs Conventional coffee growers depend on internationally manufactured agrochemicals to produce their coffee.
Coffee plants require fertile soils and can deplete key nutrients rapidly; therefore most coffee producers rely on chemical inorganic fertilizers to assure soil fertility. Nitrogen must be captured in a solid form, usually as anhydrous ammonia, through a chemical reaction that uses natural gas Funderburg Phosphate also must be mined, mainly from dwindling reserves in China, Morocco, and the Sahara. The mining operations typically clear the natural vegetation and release contaminants into water and soils. Thereafter, the anhydrous ammonia, potash, and phosphate must be shipped by land and sea to manufacturing plants, principally in North America, Germany, and Chile ETC Group The factories process the elements into fertilizer, which is shipped to coffee-producing countries around the world, and transported by vehicles to locales where coffee farmers can buy it.
Many coffee farmers, particularly those with sun-grown plantations, apply pesticides, herbicides, and fungicides. Production of these agrochemicals involves petroleum by-products, and generates toxic wastes that often escape into the air and water. Similar to fertilizers, pesticides and related agrochemicals must be shipped internationally in petroleum-fueled vessels and vehicles to reach coffee plantations.
By the time fertilizers, pesticides, and other chemical inputs reach a plantation, they have incorporated labor, technology, transportation, and fuel drawn from three or more continents, and generated toxic waste along the way. Production and Processing from the Plantation to the End Consumer Coffee plantations begin with clearing forests, with implications for biodiversity, soil erosion, watersheds, and climate change.
Then farmers must purchase seeds or seedlings. Successful coffee production requires a suitable natural environment, adequate inputs of organic or chemical additives, and labor to care for and harvest the plantations. Coffee laborers are among the most poorly paid workers on the planet, earning cents per hour for demanding and sometimes dangerous work. They apply agrochemicals several times a year to improve yields and fend off pests and diseases. A sun- grown plantation that did not have nitrogen-fixing shade trees would receive more nitrogen.
Fertilizers usually combine these three elements in appropriate proportions, and are applied 2—3 times a year. Pesticides may be applied on a schedule or as needed when an infestation is discovered. Di-Syston and Thiodan can be fatal to humans if inhaled, swallowed, or absorbed through the skin. Warning labels on the pesticides advise that protective clothing and masks be worn. However, coffee farmers and workers rarely have protective clothing. Pesticide use is associated with illnesses among workers, soil and water contamination, and pesticide residues in green coffee beans Rice and Ward ; Ryan and Durning Organic coffee growers avoid the costs and dangers of agrochemicals, but to maintain soil fertility, they need to make and apply organic fertilizers.
Once harvested, processing must begin immediately, or the beans will spoil. Typically, a coffee-hulling machine removes the cherries around the coffee bean by mechanical stripping and washing with water, followed by rinsing and soaking in more water. The water becomes contaminated with the decomposing juice and matter from the cherries, which pollutes water when it runs off into streams.
The processing equipment for hulling, cleaning, sorting, and drying the beans is made of steel and other industrial components. The iron ore and bituminous coal or other carbon source used to make steel must be mined.
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The mining and processing of these minerals pollute water and produce waste by-products that are difficult to dispose of safely. The steel must be shipped to the factories that make the processing equipment, and then the equipment needs to be shipped to the place where it is needed. Most coffee-producing countries import machinery for processing coffee.
Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and India, however, have become known for manufacturing coffee-processing equipment that they use nationally and export. The equipment operates with motors that run on petroleum-based fuels, except for drying kilns, which often burn firewood cut from remaining forests. Getting that delicious cup of coffee to our tables is not necessarily a safe or environment-friendly process.
Green coffee beans can be easily transported, and store well for extended periods when kept dry and cool. Ease of transportation has contributed to the worldwide adoption of coffee. Arriving in the USA or Europe the major importers , the coffee beans are transported by truck to roasting facilities. The most popular method of packaging freshly roasted coffee is in a vacuum-pack bag, composed of polyethylene, nylon, aluminum foil, and polyester Ryan and Durning It will maintain freshness better than other options.
Trucks or trains carry packaged coffee to local distributors and grocery stores, where most coffee drinkers buy coffee for home consumption. By the time coffee reaches the cup, it has involved an international host of businesses, uncounted actors, and transportation across oceans and multiple countries. More details on the actors and processes of the commodity chain, which ties the producer to the final customer, are discussed in Chapter We find it easy to imagine a paradise where people live close to nature and free from urban stresses.
One author describes a Guatemalan coffee plantation: The farm is almost intolerably beautiful, covered with the green glossy leaves of the coffee trees, prehistoric tree ferns and Spanish daggers along the roadside to prevent erosion , rolling hills, invisible harvesters singing and calling to one another, laughter of children, birds chirruping, clouds rolling over tops of hills, big shade trees dappling hillsides, springs and streams. After living in and visiting coffee-producing communities across two decades, I cannot count the times that people have asked me about my country, and asked how to obtain a visa.
They hope for a place where work is easy, wages are high, and food is abundant. Physical, Symbolic, and Economic Dimensions of Coffee Connections The discussion of global linkages above points out that coffee and many other foods carries unseen economic and environmental ramifications that are difficult to conceptualize or quantify. The connections go even further. We are linked physically, symbolically, and economically through the production, distribution, and consumption of coffee. We consume a part of another place as we ingest coffee.
We can be sure, when we taste coffee in drinks, ice cream, and confections, that it is truly coffee. Chemists have not yet been able to create a convincing imitation coffee flavor without using coffee derivatives Pendergrast Even if we do not drink coffee, we are likely to catch its aroma as we go about our daily lives.
Symbolically, cultural meanings and associations for coffee are manifested in ritual practices. Certain steps are necessary to make coffee, such as grinding the beans and combining the grounds with hot water, but people have added symbolic and meaningful dimensions. For example, a traditional Ethiopian coffee ceremony affirms and symbolizes friendship. Guests sit at a table, and the hostess roasts green beans in front of them. Then the hostess passes the roasted beans around so everyone can appreciate the aroma.
A brief statement in honor of friendship is offered, then the hostess grinds the beans by hand in a stone mortar and brews them in a pot. Economically, consumer willingness to drink coffee drives the commodity chain. If so many people did not make coffee a part of their daily lives, farmers would not grow it, and businesses and entrepreneurs would not buy, transport, process, and distribute it.
The global coffee system has grown and increased its reach as production has risen due to increased area planted in coffee, and greater productivity related to hybrid varieties and agrochemical use. Coffee entrepreneurs and businesses have made concentrated efforts to convince the general population to consume more, and consumers and societies, for their own reasons, have continued to drink coffee or increased their consumption.
Consumers have been particularly successful in communicating their interest in specialty coffees, and coffees that carry social and environmental advantages. Demand for specialty coffees has grown while consumption of major brands has stagnated. Even so, large companies have reported record profits from coffee sales.
In the process, the proportion of profits retained by producing nations has fallen substantially in the past 20 years. Coffee producers have struggled to gain a fair share of the profits from their coffee, and countries that depend on income from coffee sometimes find it difficult to benefit from the fame of their coffee, or even to protect rights to the names and characteristics that distinguish their products. It illustrates how corporations can compete to control proprietary rights to valuable commodities, and how global connectivities can play out on international and national stages.
The Ethiopian government applied to trademark the names Harrar, Yirgacheffe, and Sidamo, each of which has unique flavor characteristics from different regions of the country. Starbucks already had applied for a trademark for Sun- Dried Sidamo, which it initially refused to withdraw. The legal and public- relations battles raised serious questions about the rights of TNCs to acquire and market not only the products but the names of specific places, as well as the role of national governments in marketing.
Starbucks argued that it would return more of its profits to Ethiopian farmers, and prove to be a better partner for development than the government. While some consumers supported Starbucks, many others pressured Starbucks to desist in its patent claim. Efforts to sway public opinion and the media ensued among Starbucks, Ethiopia, non-government organizations e. After several years, the U. Ethiopian coffee farmers were largely excluded from the international political drama, and it remains unclear whether they will benefit.
Coffee and Fetishism of Commodities Through systems of production and distribution, our choices of food can transform the Earth, and may degrade or conserve the soil and water upon which we depend for sustenance. One result of the modern agroindustrial complex has been to separate people from food production.
Many things that we consume, including coffee, come prepared and packaged in ways that utterly disguise or contain very little of its original content. A package of hamburger carries no element that implies a cow; a can of ground coffee represents nothing of the bush and cherry of its origins.
Some prepared foodstuffs have more to do with laboratory processes and chemical additives than agricultural fields and pastures Pollan Because coffee is produced far away from the majority of its consumers, it is particularly vulnerable to these separations.
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But the growth in fair trade and specialty coffees is an attempt to reconnect consumers with producers. The Slow Food and local food movements that are spreading through Europe, the USA, Canada, and Japan in recent years reveal increasing awareness among consumers that they have lost ties to the producers of their food. This awareness has triggered a commitment to rebuild those linkages. The efforts present a challenge to the dominance of impersonal global markets, and have created opportunities to renegotiate the culturally specific and globally relevant significance of coffee and many other foods.
But all of these factors need to be understood in relationship to global connections and the development of the world economic system. While the origins of coffee precede the development of the modern world system, the use of coffee as a beverage emerged not long before European vessels began exploring the globe. Thereafter, the history of coffee becomes inseparable from the history of colonialism, imperialism, and the rise of global capitalism.
To comprehend the importance of coffee today, we must explore its history. Do you have any daily rituals or ritualistic practices? How would you feel if you did not do them as usual?
Besides coffee, what other common commodities that are not produced within the USA do you use frequently? Do you have any favorite foods that are originally from other countries? According to the author, how does coffee tie the world together? In your opinion, which problems are most serious?
What opportunities do you think exist for resolving these problems? It was grown in Brazil, Colombia, Vietnam, the Ivory Coast, or one of a hundred other coffee-producing lands on five continents. It is a palpable and long-standing manifestation of globalization.
For years coffee has been grown in tropical countries for consumption in temperate regions, linking peoples of different lands and continents by trade, investment, immigration, conquest, and cultural and religious diffusion. There is a world of history in your cup. Topik and Clarence-Smith For many of us, the study of history appears to be unconnected to the experiences and pressures of our lives. It can be easy to ignore that many of the ideas, spatial arrangements roads, buildings, cities , and material items in our daily existence reveal the actions, inventions, and convictions of people who came before us.
The coffee we drink today carries genetic traces of the first beans harvested and consumed, even if we are not exactly sure where or when that happened. How did this happen? As we explore the early history of coffee, we begin to see that the historical spread of coffee is intimately linked with the development of the global markets and international relationships that we know as the modern world system.
Not only was coffee part of this process; in many cases, desires to expand and control coffee production and trade were primary motivations. We are not sure when people began to consume coffee; we are not even sure where it first happened. Most likely, coffee originated somewhere in or near present-day Ethiopia, where undomesticated coffee varieties still grow wild.
It spread, or was carried, across the narrow Red Sea to Yemen. According to early European travelers, the Oromo peoples ground the coffee cherry and bean together with animal fat to create long-lasting, calorically dense food balls. The Sufis quickly adopted coffee because it helped them stay alert during their nighttime devotions. From Yemen, coffee spread throughout the Arab world. By the middle of the 16th century, coffee had become part of life in Arab society, and traders had begun carrying it to Europe. Early Struggles to Monopolize Production and Trade Until the end of the 15th century, Europeans depended on long, overland routes to bring spices and valued goods from Asia.
The desires of European upper classes to find a quicker, cheaper route set the stage for the evolution of new trade networks. Europeans were not alone in seeking to extend their influence, power, and access to valuable products. In the Middle East, Ottoman Turks expanded their empire from the 15th through the 17th centuries. They conquered Yemen in , and gained control of the coffee grown in mountain villages.
The Yemeni city of Mocha emerged as the predominant port of the Middle East as it sold coffee to increasingly interested Muslim and Christian societies. Coffee was traded over land by camel routes throughout the Ottoman Empire. Thus coffee became a profitable commodity in the Middle East before Holland and Britain became major seafaring powers Topik and Clarence-Smith The Ottoman Turks tried to protect their monopolistic power over the coffee trade by prohibiting the export of living plants and fertile seeds.
Coffee seeds had to be boiled or partially roasted to render them sterile before leaving the country. Maintaining a monopoly nonetheless proved impossible. From there, Muslim pilgrims probably carried coffee to the East Indies. In , a Dutch adventurer smuggled a coffee plant from the port of Aden to Amsterdam, where it was cultivated in a greenhouse. The Dutch first transplanted seedlings grown in Amsterdam to Ceylon in , and in or , they planted coffee on Java Ukers ; Weinberg and Bealer The first plantings on Java failed due to earthquakes and flooding, and new plants were brought from Malabar, India.
The Dutch became early leaders in coffee propagation by establishing colonial plantations throughout their Asian colonies, including Sumatra, Timor, and Bali. Between the 15th and 18th centuries, European governments looked to colonies in Africa to provide coffee for growing consumer demand.
The French planted coffee in the Ivory Coast, creating large plantations dependent on slave labor. The Germans spread coffee to Cameroon, while the Belgians found spots suitable for coffee in the Congo. The Portuguese established plantations in Angola, and Italians encouraged coffee production in Eritrea. The British expanded coffee planting in Kenya, Uganda, and Rhodesia Zimbabwe , where they prevented native inhabitants from producing coffee to assure that British settlers would dominate coffee production.
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Colonial administrations chose to protect the indigenous smallholder system rather than risk its disruption by allowing European settlers to take over coffee production Curtis ; Topik and Clarence-Smith The island had wild coffee plants, but their quality was considered inferior to the imported plants of Mocha origin. The company governed the island until ; it granted land concessions specifically for coffee production and required that each concessionaire plant at least ten trees for each worker. The system depended heavily on slave labor Campbell In much of eastern and southern Africa, colonial governments chose to support large plantations and used force to obtain labor.
Households with diversified crop systems had greater resilience to survive market fluctuations, and smallholders using intensive methods usually produced higher- quality coffee than large plantations dependent on coerced labor Curtis In a similar time frame, the introduction of coffee and sugar into the Caribbean involved international conspiracies and competition to expand coffee production. Captain Gabriel de Clieu, an officer in the French Navy, decided to introduce coffee to the French West Indies without official approval. He smuggled a coffee plant to his post in Martinique from Paris in or His part in spreading coffee is better known than most, because he left letters documenting his efforts.
The popular version of his exploits holds that he was aided in obtaining coffee seedlings by a French noblewoman. A jealous passenger, sometimes identified as a Dutch spy, tried to steal the plant, and managed to tear off a branch. The ship suffered damage, began to sink, and water supplies were thrown overboard to keep the ship afloat. Upon arriving in Martinique, de Clieu placed the surviving seedling in fertile soil and posted a hour guard. This single coffee plant has been said to be the ancestor of most of the coffee plants grown in the Caribbean and Central America Ukers That belief overlooks that coffee had already been planted on the island of Hispaniola in , and the Dutch had apparently introduced coffee to Surinam in Portuguese entrepreneurs smuggled coffee to Brazil in , while the British planted coffee in Jamaica in Caribbean planters soon began to compete with coffee producers from the East Indies.
Coffee was not introduced to Mexico and Central America until the 19th century, but it became a profitable crop soon after plantations were established. The myth endures of a single ancestral line of coffee propagation, but as coffee spread globally, people chose seeds for specific qualities and suitability to local climates. New varieties emerged through natural mutations and human selection.
By the s, coffee plantations around the world encompassed numerous varieties that differed from the first coffee plants Topik Coffee went hand in hand with colonialism, and its production required inexpensive manual labor. In the East Indies, the Dutch required coffee production of its subjects and forced local leaders into contracts to supply coffee at a set price Fernando The French and British, who gained control of extensive plantations in the West Indies, resorted to slaves brought from Africa who labored in coffee and sugarcane plantations in unimaginably inhumane conditions.
Wherever early colonial coffee production depended on large plantations, the owners relied on slavery or forced labor. Large plantations needed many laborers at low cost, and resorted to legal and extralegal means to obtain cheap labor. A class of elite coffee growers emerged in conjunction with large plantations and colonial administrations, and often became a powerful interest group that shaped regional policies and social relationships among different economic classes and ethnic groups. By contrast, where small producers grew most of the coffee, they exercised some independence.
For example, peasant producers in Sumatra were freer from Dutch demands and made their own choices; they responded eagerly to British and American offers of cash for coffee. The expansion of coffee in the s occurred as the Dutch and British competed to dominate coffee and tea trade through their respective East India Companies.
Three wars related to their trade rivalry occurred between and Dutch leadership waned after In , the Dutch lost their fourth war with the British, and were unable to recuperate. The British took Ceylon from the Dutch in , and established large plantations operated by British owners and officials, who depended on coerced labor from southern India.
Although the laborers ostensibly received payment, British landlords deducted wages for transportation, lodging, and food. Rather than leaving for home with earnings, laborers became indebted and served essentially as slaves Kurian The Modern World System Emerges Political intrigues and conflicts over the control of coffee production and trade contributed to the development of the global economic system that continues to evolve today.
Western thinking predicted that economic development would reach all nations and eventually increase general welfare to create a more equitable world. By the 20th century, however, the differences between the wealthier and more impoverished parts of the world appeared to be increasing. Their ideas became the foundation for dependency theory and its kin, world systems theory. Both approaches agreed that the development of global trade had fostered an inequitable economic system.
The semi-periphery included regions endeavoring to increase their presence in trade between core and periphery areas, but did not rival the economic power of the core. Some parts of the world, known as external areas, initially maintained relative isolation from the emerging economic system Wallerstein World systems theorists, including Immanuel Wallerstein and Peter Worsley, recognized that as the economic system evolved new core areas emerged, and external areas become integrated into global economic relationships.
More Details Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Community Reviews. Showing Rating details. Sort order. Quick reads I chose the rating because some of the stories were a bit absurd but mostly enjoyed the book read it at the hospital. May 13, John Franklin rated it it was amazing.
Fifty coffee break short stories Enjoyed the book and the jokes, humorous writing, well written, will look forward to reading more of his books soon. There are still people on the front who think she is the only person who has died. The farmer towing the little boy and his dead parents hauls them into the shallows and feels one end of his broken tibia grinding against the other.
It should hurt but he can feel nothing. He needs very badly to lie down. He rolls over into the water and looks at the clouds. People rush into the surf, then see his cargo and come to a halt. A young woman steps between them, a nurse from Southampton, where she works in the accident and emergency department. She has seen much worse. She is the only black person on the entire beach. The colour of her skin helps, too, the fact that she is so different from all these other people among whom he no longer belongs. They will stay in touch with one another for the next thirty years.
The fourth child is lifted into the helicopter, then the fifth. The arcade manager emerges from his tiny office. Twenty-five minutes. Sixty-one dead. The lifeboat arrives and the crew begin hauling people from the water. Some cannot stop talking. Some slither into the bottom of the boat like netted fish, sodden, glassy-eyed, oblivious.
A boy of thirteen floats in a dark recess between two fallen girders. He refuses to come out and will not respond to their calls. A crew member jumps into the water but the boy retreats into the flooded forest of wreckage and they are forced to abandon him. The winch is stowed and the helicopter swings away with all the children on board. Many of them have left parents on the pier. For all of them the hammering roar is a comfort, filling their heads so completely that they are unable to entertain the terrifying thoughts that will return only when they are helped down on to the tarmac and run through the wind from the rotors towards the women from the St John Ambulance waiting for them outside the little terminal building.
On the promenade a man in a dirty white apron squeezes through the crowd bearing hot dogs and sweet tea from the stand he runs beside the crazy golf. He returns with a second tray. They idle just beyond the moraine of bodies and debris, unable either to help or to turn away. The boy of thirteen will not come out from the flooded forest because he knows that his sister is in there somewhere. He cannot find her. After thirty minutes he is hypothermic and feels desperately cold.
Nothing seems strange any more. He wants to take his clothes off but hardly has the energy to stay afloat. But he feels safe in here. He is not thinking about his sister any more. He cannot remember having a sister. Only this deep need to be in the dark, to be contained, unseen, some primal circuit still alight on the dimming circuit-board of the brainstem. He sinks into the water five times, coughs and forces himself back to the surface, but with less effort each time and with a less distinct sense of what he has just avoided. He is wearing an Arsenal T-shirt.
He knows that his only other choice is to jump from the pier. He is a strong swimmer but the drop to the water is sixty feet. The two possibilities toggle at increasing speed in his mind — fly, jump, fly, jump. He feels sick. His wife is airlifted in the second batch and in her absence his thoughts race until he realises that he will lose his mind and that this possibility is worse than flying or jumping.
At which point he sees himself turn away from the crowd and run towards the railing. The sensation of watching himself from a distance is so strong that he wants to cry out to this foolish man to remove his shoes and trousers first. He remembers nothing of the jump itself, only the terrible surprise of waking underwater with no memory of where he is or why.
He fights his way to the surface, refills his lungs several times and forces off his double-knotted shoes. He can see now that he is at the seaside. He can also see that he is floating in the shadow of some vast object. He turns and the wrecked pier looms over him. He remembers what has happened and turns again and swims hard. After a hundred yards he stops and turns for a third time and finds that the distance has turned the pier into a part of the view.
He looks towards the town, the crowds, the blue flashing lights, the Camden, the Royal. He feels victorious, unburdened. He swims steadily towards the beach where he is cheered ashore, wrapped in a red blanket and led to an ambulance. His wife will spend three hours thinking he is dead and will not forgive him for a long time. There is now no one left on the far end of the pier. The final person dies, deep inside the tangle of planks and girders. He is fifteen years old. He has been unconscious since he fell.
The lifeboat returns and the crew retrieve fifteen bodies from the water. An hour and a half. Sixty-four dead. The lid of a tea urn is rattling and two ladies are making sandwiches in the kitchenette. People slump on to chairs and on to the floor. They are no longer being observed. They are among people who understand now. Some weep openly, some sit and stare. Three children are unaccompanied, two boys and a girl.
The parents of the younger boy have been airlifted to Shoreham. The other two children are now orphans. The girl saw her parents die and is inconsolable. A policewoman moves quietly round the room, squatting beside each group in turn. Three hours and twenty minutes. Six men from the council works department erect shuttering around the pier entrance, big frames of two-by-four covered with sheets of chipboard. In the hospital most of the broken bones have been set and the girl with the shattered femur is having it pinned in surgery. A woman has had a splinter the size of a carving knife pulled from her chest.